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" Philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it." - Karl Marx, `XI theses on Feuerbach'.

A fair criticism of Labour policy reviews is that they do not contain any proposals to either control or restrict the capability of transnational industrial and financial institutions. Yet these companies can either make or break a state's ability to govern by their investment policies.

Past attempts to address these problems by administrative action at government level have failed, mainly because ordinary people did not see the relevance of these attempts to their everyday needs. New technology, and the upsurge in demands for democratic participation being experienced throughout the world, provide an opportunity to capture people's imagination.

The past twelve years of Thatcherism should have taught us how fragile is the reliance on parliamentary and local government action to instigate and protect progressive measures, without the mass democratic support of ordinary people.

It is time that we looked at policies which will involve the people in controlling capital movements. Certain EEC proposals could assist in the development of this policy.

Free and unfettered collective bargaining has often been proposed as a means of controlling industry. Mostly, however, it has been little more than a slogan. We have in the past contained our bargaining to the workplace and to the company. Negotiations have neither involved the wider community nor addressed the wider environmental and social welfare issues which, together with pay and conditions, affect the quality of life.

It is the aim of the labour movement to ensure that working people advance their cause in a variety of ways - education, better housing, health services and facilities to improve the quality of life. Most workers spend more time outside the workplace than in it, and each annual or bi-annual union conference reflects this by allocating a very large part of its conference time to these wider issues. Whilst bargaining at the workplace has proved successful in so far as wages and conditions are concerned, workers benefits outwith the workplace have, in the main, relied on national or local government action.

New technology is not only at the disposal of business. Shop stewards committees could conduct surveys to assess the problems their members are experiencing in the "living environment", using computers to analyse the data.

The results of these enquiries could then be fed back to their members and used as the basis of press releases and other activity (e.g. local community meetings could be held on each issue).

Trade unionists and their families are often involved in campaigns on the environment, famine relief, and similar issues, as members and as supporters of organisations such as Greenpeace, Friends of the Earth, Oxfam, and Christian Aid.

Similarly, they and their families are involved, often with local authority support, in campaigns to revitalise their hard pressed communities.


During the period of the Tory Government these organisations have been subject to tremendous pressures, their campaigns and statements often at odds with Tory dogma, yet they have survived and have been an essential defence for local communities in their campaigns against the interest of big business and government.

It is only on rare occasions, that those same trade unionists are brought together through local trade union organisations to discuss the relevance of these issues to trade union members, and how trade unions can build on their members' involvement in pressure groups.

In addition to assessing needs, surveys by local union branches and shop stewards committees can be used to build upon members' activity outside of the union.

Harnessing the energies of union members as outlined above would facilitate their active participation within and outwith the workplace and could initiate more active campaigning by the trade unions, their members and their members' families.

Whilst such activity must be encouraged, this should not be at the expense of international solidarity by trade unionists, which is more necessary now than ever before.

The computerisation of financial markets presents labour with a serious challenge. This challenge must be met by a more proactive and cohesive democratic structure involving workers and their families.

The Coalfields Community Campaign set up after the Miners Strike of 1984 - 1985 has now developed contact with almost every coal and ex coal community throughout the EEC. It has fought and pressed the case for European Regional Development Fund (ERDF).

This begs the question "why was this structure not built up before the miners strike?". ERDF funding will never replace the wages and investment in coal communities which the mines provided.

It would clearly be better to create such structures - before problems arise.

In campaigns to resist layoffs and company closures local authorities' Economic and Planning Departments have played a major role, cooperating with shop stewards committees and their members.

Local Authorities are involved in discussions with major multinational companies operating in their area, but only on occasions such as above, is their a linkup between the local authority, shop stewards, the union membership, and the wider community in respect of the companies' activities.

Shop stewards could hold regular meetings with the local authority representatives now, thereby preparing the way for the above, on such matters as:

Structures, which we shall refer to as Local Economic Networks, could be based, for eaxmple, on those L.A.'s in the UK who have factories and offices of a particular company in their areas. The principle could be extended to the EEC, other groupings of nations, and to global networks.

Shop stewards elected by their members could meet with their opposite numbers to discuss, and coordinate activities with regard to their companies.

Furthermore, LEN's should be extended to the families of the workers and the wider community, through collective bargaining, and the involvement of Local Authorities and those who live in the area where these operations are based.

Under Article 10 of the European Regional Developement Fund, up to 50% finance is available to enable Local Government to extend this process through involvement in EC networks based on areas of economic activity.

Launched with ERDF assistance in February 1991, at Valladolid in Spain, this Network involves the Motor Industry Local Authority Network (MILAN), from the UK; the Antwerp Development Agency from Belgium; the City of Stuttgart, Germany; Haute-Normandie, based in Rouen France; Piedmont, based in Turin, Italy; and Valladolid in Spain.

Set up on the basis of the need for diversification in areas heavily dependent upon defence expenditure, this network currently involves Lancashire Enterprises on behalf of Lancashire County Council, the L„nder of Bremen in Germany, and the Zaanstad area of Holland. Lancashire Enterprises, who are coordinating the approach to the EEC, report that others in France, Spain, Italy, and Belgium are also interested in such a link-up.

As with the coalfield communities, the defnce industry is widespread throughout Britain. There is nothing to stop Local Authorities with defence industries in their area to consider, if they have not yet done so, joining this initiative with other defence sectors to establish a network in the UK and participating in a network within the EEC.

According to EEC civil servants, there is nothing to prevent the local authorities extending an invitation to both sides of industry to become involved in meetings organised under their umbrella.

At EEC level such Network would have access to interpretation facilities thereby resolving a main problem workers have of communicating with their counterparts in Europe.

Workers direct involvement in such networks could stop the divide and rule tactics carried out in the name of ``Competition"; raise "free and unfettered collective bargaining" to a new level for the common purpose of a reduced working life; and end the exploitative practices of Third World operations.

Local Economic Networks would enable people to more involved in the processes of the EEC, in the creation and enforcement of environmental and health standards, health & safety at work, and many more areas.

Citizens' involvement in the above would be important, with report back meetings being held not only in the workplace and the Council Chambers, but also in those communities who rely on the continuation of the company for their very existence.

We think there is nothing strange in MPs or councillors holding such meetings. We should therefore be able to extend the principle to the economy and industry.

A Labour Government would give a great boost to such activities but we do not have to wait until Labour is elected. There is nothing that currently prohibits the above, what is needed is to encourage Shop Stewards and others to use their own imagination now.

Euro Examiners 7, 8, & 9 have examined a number of problems, collectively referred to as the Democratic Deficit. Some require constitutional changes. Some require the coordinated usage of powers which already exist at European, national or local level. Some require that individuals in trade unions and communities work together to build new structures, locally and internationally.

The centralisation of power, whether within unaccountable bureaucracies, multinational companies, or supposedly democratic institutions, is authoritarian and thus anti-democratic.

We have argued that to counterbalance, and ultimately to diffuse, this concentration of power, we need strong local government; responsive and accountable regional government; and workforces and communities with the power to stand up to the multinationals.

We have not yet, however, looked at the problems which arise from multinational finance institutions' investment plans (or some instances, lack of plans). This will be the subject of a future pamphlet.